By Dr Minh Alexander retired consultant psychiatrist 19 July 2026
Summary The troubling private company WhistleblowersUK was criticised in a recent documentary film by JAM Motion Pictures. Norman Lamb former MP contributed to these criticisms and specifically raised issues of transparency and accountability. He indicated that WhistleblowersUK refused to answer questions which he raised in 2019 on my behalf, about matters such as potential conflicts of interest. WhistleblowersUK later denied it had been given a right of reply to the film and also claimed that the then Co Chair of the Whistleblowing APPG Stephen Kerr MP, now MSP, referred these matters to the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards. WhistleblowersUK published a 2019 email purportedly from Stephen Kerr, claiming that there had been a finding of “no case to answer”. A Subject Access Request to parliament for my personal data has not confirmed any such referral or finding from 2019. Mr Kerr has been asked for further information. WhistleblowersUK denied that they were given a right of reply to the recent documentary film. The filmmakers say they have supplied WhistleblowersUK’s Chair with their original email correspondence which repeatedly sought comments/responses to their film, and which were blind copied to the filmmaker’s lawyers. Following this WhistleblowersUK removed social media and website posts, some of which claimed that the filmmakers and a participating individual had lied. It is claimed that WhistleblowersUK has not apologised. I am not aware of any published apology.
Background
The private company WhistleblowersUK Companies House 09347927 was incorporated on 9 December 2014 . It was created after a split in the original entity, Whistleblowers UK Companies House 08112953 (incorporated 12 June 2012, dissolved 7 April 2015). This split followed conflict in which it is alleged that a co-founder, inter alia, took unilateral action to advocate for whistleblowing financial bounties. Those who say they objected to this, left.
The remaining nucleus set up the new entity with the similar name in 2014, WhistleblowersUK Companies House 09347927 . This company has advocated for US style bounties ever since. That is, financial rewards for whistleblowing. In the US, such financial rewards are open to anyone who provides requisite information for the State to recover money, and not just employees who whistleblow on their employers. Crooks who turn in other crooks may qualify for rewards. In some ways, the US model is more akin to a system of rewarding criminal informants. Vast sums may be awarded so long as monies recouped by the State exceed a given threshold. Much, much more money than any one person will ever need. Genuine whistleblowers who suffer major detriment but fall below this financial threshold are left in the cold. The model focuses on the financial sector. It is likely to disadvantage other whistleblowers and sectors such as Health and Social Care where there is very high public interest but little bounty to recoup.
The concept of bounties is repugnant to many, with concerns that it is damaging to true whistleblowers who are already marginalised and reviled by employers. It has therefore has been resisted for years in the UK despite the prolonged efforts of powerful (and wealthy) US bounty hunting law firms to introduce the model here.
Over the years, WhistleblowersUK courted the powerful and gained parliamentary access when in 2018 it became the external secretariat to a new Whistleblowing All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG), which received funding from a US bounty hunting law firm. APPGs are special interest groups and have no official status. Some have a reputation as potential backdoors for lobbying. They must make at least some declarations, which are recorded on a register.
As the Westminster APPG campaign was financed and grew more slick, it gathered more names for a while. This eventually fizzled out, and the APPG is now defunct. But this was not before a Bill which opened the door to the US bounty model was repeatedly introduced to parliament. The Bill was introduced by various MP/peer members of the APPG as a private members Bill and repeatedly fell, but it was a useful vehicle for publicity. It opened the door to the US bounty hunting model by redefining whistleblowers as all members of the public, and not just as employees meeting certain criteria. And whilst the Bill did not explicitly introduce financial rewards, it had room for future alteration: A Bounty Hunters’ Bill? A critique of the Whistleblowing APPG’s April 2022 Bill
The company WhistleblowersUK is now chaired by Jo Gideon former MP. Tessa Munt MP and Stephen Kerr MSP are Vice Chairs.
Other concerns have also been raised about WhistleblowersUK besides its pursuit of financial bounties in the UK. It has asked whistleblowers seeking help for money and a percentage of awards and settlements, it charges money for associate membership which does not come with voting rights and there are concerns about how it has treated some whistleblowers. A recent documentary by JAM Motion Pictures reported that a large number of whistleblowers had reported mistreatment and the film makers obtained derogatory messages about whistleblowers. Norman Lamb former MP appeared in the documentary and spoke to his concerns about a lack of transparency and accountability by WhistleblowersUK. WhistleblowersUK has to my knowledge not so far answered the allegations of mistreatment.
Instead, WhistleblowersUK initially flatly denied that it had been given the right of reply to the film, posting several related items on social media and its website.
Later, after JAM Motion Pictures reported that they had furnished WhistleblowersUK’s Chair with the original, repeated emails showing repeated attempts to seek comments from WhistleblowersUK, which were bcc’d to the filmmaker’s lawyers at the material time, WhistleblowersUK removed its various denials.
Some of these denials had alleged that WhistleblowersUK’s accusers had lied. Via a tweet, WhistleblowersUK publicly accused one person of lying. Via a statement on its website, purportedly by its Chair Jo Gideon former MP, the company stated that the individual and the film company “are both joining in what is in fact a lie.” However after the removal of these denials and counter-accusations from WhistleblowersUK’s website and social media, the company reportedly issued no apologies. As far as I am aware, this remains the case. I have seen no published apologies.
Questions which WhistleblowersUK failed to answer and which Stephen Kerr MSP purportedly claimed he referred to the parliamentary Standards Commissioner
In 2019 I asked members of the then Whistleblowing APPG about the activities of the APPG’s questionable external secretariat WhistleblowersUK, its inconsistent/ un-evidenced claims and potential conflicts of interest.
The only response came from Norman Lamb MP, then an APPG member, who agreed to pass on my questions.
He eventually resigned from the Whistleblowing APPG. After I learnt of this and made enquiries, it transpired that he had given WhistleblowersUK’s failures to answers my questions as his reason for resignation:
Norman Lamb MP has resigned from the Whistleblowing All Party Parliamentary Group
Zipping forwards to the present day, after the recent release of the JAM Motion Pictures film in May about WhistleblowersUK, WhistleblowersUK published a 5 November 2019 email purportedly from Stephen Kerr MSP to Norman Lamb. This claimed that concerns raised about WhistleblowersUK at that time were all passed to the parliamentary Standards Commissioner:
“….all such allegations against the Secretariat of the APPG have been passed to the Parliamentary Standards Board [sic *] and that the Board continues to affirm that there is no case to answer.” *Parliament has confirmed that there is no such body as the “Parliamentary Standards Board”. It has worked on the assumption that Mr Kerr, or whoever wrote the email, was referring to the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards.
The claim of onwards referral was unexpected as I never heard from Mr Kerr when I raised questions about WhistleblowersUK in 2019. One would have thought that if he had acted then upon my queries, and indeed presumably passed my personal data onwards, he would naturally have written back to me to discuss these matters.
In any case, I was largely asking questions rather than making allegations, so I do not understand on what basis Mr Kerr would have passed my correspondence/issues to the Standards Commissioner. I am also not sure what remit the Standards Commissioner would have to investigate an external APPG secretariat.
And neither did the Standards Commissioner nor anyone from his office contact me in 2019 about a referral by Mr Kerr, nor the outcome of any investigation exonerating WhistleblowersUK as claimed by the email attributed to Mr Kerr.
But to test the claims that my questions and concerns were passed to the Standards Commissioner, I asked parliament for my personal data as held by the Standards Commissioner.
On 15 July 2026 I received a reply, Subject Access Request D26-065, which confirmed that the Standards Commissioner did not hold:
1. Any correspondence from Stephen Kerr to the Standards Commissioner about me
2. Any of the correspondence from me to Kerr and other members of the Whistleblowing APPG in 2019, in which I asked questions and raised concerns about WhistleblowersUK’s potential conflicts of interest and other matters
That is to say, there was no evidence in the SAR disclosure to confirm that Stephen Kerr acted on my issues as his purported email of 5 November 2019 claimed.
I have now written to Mr Kerr to ask:
- That he confirms whether or not the 5 November 2019 email that was previously reproduced on the WhistleblowersUK’s website (now removed) was an email that he sent in 2019
- Whether or not he passed on my 2019 questions and concerns about WhistleblowersUK to the Standards Commissioner as the email claimed
- For disclosure of my personal data relevant to any purported 2019 referral of my questions and concerns to the Standards Commissioner, if indeed a referral was made.
RELATED ITEMS
The bounty hunting model involves vast sums.
Unsurprisingly, it has led to regulatory corruption, as uncovered by Prof Platt after a prolonged FOI battle:
The model of litigation in US bounty hunting is known as Qui Tam, or in the name of the King.
It comes from a very rough, archaic form of governance in Ye Olde England which stemmed from shortage of public resources to run a more sophisticated model. Thugs and rogues were often deputised, and came to be feared and despised:
In the US, the model was introduced during civil war time due to exceptional exigency, and recognised as a lesser evil. The Union held its nose and dealt with criminals to control fraudulent defence sales:
“In short, I have based the…sections upon the old-fashioned idea of hold out a temptation,” and “setting a rogue to catch a rogue…a reward for the informer who comes into court and betrays his co-conspirator”
Whistleblowing v Bounty hunting. A new whistleblowing APPG with sponsorship from bounty hunters
We can do better.




















